Archive for the ‘Russia/Former Soviet Union’ Category

At Left Coast Forum in Los Angeles on August 25th: Panels on Wagner and Bakunin as Nationalist vs. Anarchist Revolutionists, Imperialism vs. Anti-Imperialism, and the CPRSJ as a New Anti-War Coalition

August 8, 2018

I am excited to announce my participation in three panels at the Left Coast Forum at the Los Angeles Trade Tech College (LATTC) on Saturday, August 25, 2018:  “Wagner and Bakunin: Advocates of Nationalist or Anarchist Revolution?”, “Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism: What Is Internationalist Socialist Solidarity?”, and “One Year of the CPRSJ: A New Kind of Anti-War Coalition.”

Bakunin Wagner meme

The first of these, on Richard Wagner and Mikhail Bakunin, will run from 10am until 11:15am. My co-panelists include María Castro and Alexander Reid Ross. Our description follows:

In this presentation, we will explore the philosophical and political affinities between the composer Richard Wagner and the militant philosopher Mikhail Bakunin, beginning with their joint action on the barricades of revolutionary Dresden in 1849. We consider Wagner’s Ring cycle as depicting the Proudhonian idea of theft and the figures of Siegfried and Brünnhilde as Bakuninist-Feuerbachian heroes. By examining Wagner and Bakunin’s common anti-Semitism, feminism and anti-feminism, and revolutionism, we discuss how anarchism and anti-theism influenced the creation of The Ring as an epic opera that depicts the rise and fall of capitalism. Nevertheless, in light of the anti-Semitism that drives The Ring, we cannot overlook the undeniable Aryanist, national-anarchist, and proto-fascist aspects of Wagner’s approach, which represent disturbing lines that connect typically left-wing notions of anti-statist and anti-capitalist upheaval with ultranationalist myth.

To delve into these matters, we will consider how the fascist creep applies to Wagner and Bakunin and compare the “dangerous minds” of Friedrich Nietzsche and Martin Heidegger to those of the pair in question.

anti-imperialism

The second panel, on imperialism, anti-imperialism, and internationalism, takes place from 11:30am until 12:45pm. It is hosted by the Coalition for Peace, Revolution, and Social Justice. I will be moderating and facilitating this session: panelists include Frieda Afary, John Reimann, Alexander Reid Ross, and Sina Zekavat. The description follows:

In light of the fate of the Syrian Revolution, which has been crushed by the bloody counter-revolution carried out by Bashar al-Assad together with his Russian, Iranian, and Lebanese allies, there has debate in the global left about the meanings of imperialism and anti-imperialism, and the political implications these carry. Many authoritarians claiming leftism cross-over with the white-supremacist right’s open support for the Assad Regime by denying its crimes and overlooking the imperialist role played by Russia and Iran in Syria, focusing exclusively on the U.S.’s supposed opposition to Assad’s rule.

This tendency is a worrisome development, suggestive as it is of a red-brown alliance (or axis) that is not consistently anti-imperialist but rather, only opposed to U.S. Imperialism. It also fails analytically to see how the U.S. has increasingly accommodated Assad’s counter-revolution. In contrast to such approaches, participants on this panel will present anti-authoritarian class analyses of militarism and imperialism. Panelists will discuss the red-brown alliance (or axis) as recalling the “Holy Alliance” and fascism; the concept and reality of imperialism in the Middle East; the current wave of popular protests in Iran; left and right interpretations of geopolitics and political geography both historically and today; the lessons of the Bosnian genocide; and the tragedy of the Syrian Revolution.

CPRSJ

The third panel in which I’m participating, on the Coalition for Peace, Revolution, and Social Justice, runs from 5pm until 6:15pm. My co-panelists include Mimi Soltysik and Kevin B. Anderson.

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Left Fascism on Syria on the Airwaves, Part II

August 2, 2018

Assad Nazi (no)

This is an addendum or appendix to “KPFK’s ‘Indy Media on Air’ Brings Fascism to the Airwaves,” first published on April 23, 2018. It refers to an interview held by “Revolutionary Left [sic] Radio” with Rania Khalek in April about “Syria and U.S. [but not Russian] Imperialism.”

In parallel, Breht Ó Séaghdha’s interview with Assadist “journalist” Rania Khalek on “Revolutionary Left Radio” presents much the same conclusion [that is, Vanessa “Beeley and [Chris] Burnett’s affinities for the authoritarian-militarist campaign that the Assad Regime is currently engaged in to reconquer the country”]: that what would be best for the “ordinary working people of Syria” would be for them to submit to the fascist State that has been murdering them en masse for seven years (54:12-45). Unlike Beeley, Khalek, a Russia Today regular who has visited Syria “several times” in the past two years, acknowledges the March 2011 uprising against Assad, but like Beeley, she has little to say about the regime’s brutal suppression of these popular protests. Compared to Beeley, Khalek is a less enthusiastic Assadist, as she recognizes the regime to be an authoritarian police state, but she disingenuously trivializes the breadth and depth of this authoritarianism, declaring the regime to act “just like any other State” does. Khalek and Séaghdha present Assad as the “lesser evil” relative to the opposition, which is supposedly dominated by “rightist Islamists.” Furthermore, they frame the Syrian war as a U.S.-led regime-change operation and hold only the U.S., not Russia, to be guilty of imperialism.

Khalek’s perspective on the Syrian opposition, which apes that of Beeley and, indeed, Assad, is that essentially all of it is al-Qaeda or Daesh (ISIS/ISIL). Khalek specifically claims that the regions in which regime control collapsed over the course of the war were readily conquered by “Salafi jihadists.” This convenient narrative completely ignores the inspiring model of self-organization via the Local Coordinating Councils (LCC’s) which from Darayya to Aleppo democratically administered social and political life in zones liberated from regime control. It is especially galling in this sense to hear Séaghdha, who claims affinity to libertarian socialism, essentially silencing the life of the Syrian anarchist Omar al-Aziz, who inspired the LCC model and for this reason died in a regime dungeon in 2013.

In their discussion of the fall of Eastern Ghouta, which focuses primarily on the political orientation of the rebel groups present there, with no word about the reality of the vast human-rights violations amidst Assad’s effectively genocidal attack on the enclave, Séaghdha and Khalek give their audience the impression that these rebels are Da’esh affiliates. For Khalek, Jaish al-Islam is “effectively like ISIS,” whereas Faylaq al-Rahman is “effectively al-Qaeda.” Such takes are rather misleading, given that the former group formed part of the Islamic Front, which did not include Da’esh or al-Qaeda and in fact waged war against Da’esh in 2014, and that the latter has a non-Islamist orientation, being part of the more secular Free Syrian Army (FSA).1

It is rather telling indeed that neither Séaghdha nor Khalek mentions the origins of the FSA through mass-defections from Assad’s military of soldiers and officers disgusted with their orders to shoot down ordinary Syrians, together with civilians willing to take up arms against the regime. Additionally, Khalek claims Jabhat al-Nusra as being the “largest group” in Eastern Aleppo before its brutal reconquest by the regime and Russia in late 2016, yet Joseph Daher reports that only 2.5-10% of opposition forces in the district belonged to al-Nusra at that time. Khalek cites the Harakat Nour al-Din al-Zenki’s infamous beheading on tape of a teenage Palestinian boy in 2016 as evidence of rebel atrocities, but neither she nor Séaghdha have a word to say about the regime’s indiscriminate destruction of the Yarmouk refugee camp for Palestinians, where more than a thousand civilians are still trapped as of this writing [early May 2018]. Ultimately, there is little sense in this interview that the extent of Assad’s brutal counter-insurgency encouraged support for apocalyptical-millenarian movements such as that of Da’esh.

The pair’s misrepresentations reach a climax when they turn to the April 7 Douma chemical attack. Séaghdha “finds it difficult” to find objective info about chemical-weapon use in the Syrian war, whereas Khalek claims that it’s “really hard to know” who carried out the chemical-weapons attacks that have been reported. Both speakers thus appear entirely ignorant of the United Nations’ findings that the regime has perpetrated at least 34 chemical-weapons assaults since 2011. There is no recognition here of the UN’s Joint Investigative Mechanism (JIM) holding Assad responsible for the April 2017 Khan Sheikhoun sarin gas attack. In fact, Séaghdha goes so far as to claim that chemical-weapon use “has not been proven” in Douma, and that it’s unclear “to this day” who is responsible. Yet this view overlooks the fact that the chemical weapons were dropped on Douma from regime helicopters, and that the rebels lack an air force. The host’s Assadist affinities are clearly revealed when Séaghdha asserts that the regime has been “fully cooperating” with the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons’ (OPCW) investigation, given the reality that Russia and the regime have actively blocked access to the site of the attack.

As an estimated 200,000 detainees languish in Assad’s prisons, with at least 60,000 having perished due to genocidal conditions, the solidarity expressed by Burnett, Beeley, Séaghdha, and Khalek with the regime can only be described as fascist. This is a total contradiction to the liberatory tradition to which Burnett and Séaghdha lay claim as leftists; it is more consistent with the worrisome historical and contemporary support lent to neo-fascist third positionism and Stalinism. In this sense, the last word is for al-Shami: “I will never see people who place grand narratives over lived realities, who support brutal regimes in far off countries, or who peddle racism, conspiracy theories and atrocity denial, as allies [or comrades].”**

1Robin Yassin-Kassab and Leila al-Shami, Burning Country: Syrians in Revolution and War (London: Pluto Press, 2016), 123-5.

**This thought by al-Shami also closed the original version of this essay.

The Fall of Der’aa: Assad’s Counter-Revolution Triumphant

July 17, 2018

Coalition for Peace, Revolution, and Social Justice (CPRSJ)

By Javier Sethness

Deraa Aftermath of Assad regime air strikes over residential areas in Der’aa, Syria, 14 June 2017 (Muhammed Yusuf/Anadolu Agency)

The latest news from southern Syria is that Assad Regime forces, backed by heavy Russian aerial bombardment, Iranian artillery strikes, and allied paramilitary infantry, have fully retaken the revolutionary city of Der’aa near the southwestern border with Jordan. This is the very “birthplace” of the Syrian Revolution, as it was in this city in March 2011 that 15-year old Mouawiya Syasneh and his comrades, expressing their youthful sympathies for the ongoing Arab Revolts—which by that time had toppled Zine al-Abidine bin Ali and Hosni Mubarak—wrote graffiti on a wall in southern Der’aa, proclaiming in Arabic, “Your turn, Doctor,”[1] “Freedom” (حرية), and “The People Want the Fall of the Regime” (الشعب يريد السقوط النظام).

The indignation felt at the regime’s callous threat to disappear fifteen teenage boys accused of…

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“‘No’ to the Red-Brown Alliance! ‘Yes’ to International Working-Class Solidarity!”

June 28, 2018

Sharing here the text of the flyer distributed by the radicals who protested Ajamu Baraka being a keynote speaker at Left Forum 2018, over his support for Bashar al-Assad’s genocidal regime, with Russia and Iran backing the exterminist despot up. The demonstrators were resisting the latest manifestation of the convergence between fascists and the authoritarian left known as the red-brown alliance. In its place, they invoked an internationalist class politics. Though this action took place nearly a month ago now, it remains acutely relevant, in light of the ongoing regime offensive against Der’aa, and the dozens of thousands of refugees who have fled the assault and are now stranded, given that neighboring Jordan has closed the border to their immediate south. Video of the protest below.

No-red-brown-alliance-final3-1No-red-brown-alliance-final3-2

“Russia’s World Cup Has Syrian Bloods on its Hands” by Sam Hamad

June 27, 2018

@S_R_L_W

First republished by Black Rose/Rosa Negra Anarchist Federation on June 18, 2018

As the World Cup gets underway in Russia, we repost this essay by Sam Hamad, an independent Scottish-Egyptian activist and writer, criticizing the Russian State for its war crimes in Syria. Besides supporting Bashar al-Assad—Vladimir Putin recently declared that Russian troops are “testing and training” in Syria—Putin’s regime is very sexually traditionalist, with the result that Russian fascists have threatened LGBTQ+ World Cup fans with violence. Moreover, Russia also recently decriminalized domestic violence. Essay originally appeared in The New Arab

by Sam Hamad

It has become a grizzly routine for me to browse social media and come across pictures of dead Syrian children on my newsfeed. Over the past seven years, from the safety of Edinburgh, I’ve seen severed limbs, charred remains, melting skin and, most recently, the lifeless body of a Syrian child who had been decapitated by a Russian airstrike.

Across all of Europe and around the globe, Russia is launching increasingly bold attackson the already fractured liberal democratic order. This is not hyperbole. This is not ‘Russophobia’.

It was the first country since Nazi Germany to annex part of another European country, when it reacted to the peaceful overthrow of Ukraine’s pro-Russia puppet president by annexing Crimea, and waging a proxy war against the rest of the country.

This ought to make the heavens darken, so to speak. It ought to arouse so much outrage among us – the privileged – that we fill up the streets and demand this daily murder end. 

But it will be met with silence and, most chillingly, indifference. For the violence in Syria, outside of small bursts of international attention usually sparked by chemical weapons atrocities, exists outside the consciousness of most of the world.  

Come this Thursday, the genocide in Syria, driven so decisively by Iran and Russia on behalf of Assad’s rump state, will not simply fall further down the rungs of the collective global attention span, but it will be actively normalised.   

Putin’s Russia is hosting the FIFA World Cup, which will draw around 4 billion global viewers.  

If you thought the silence or indifference or active support that surrounds the Syrian genocide and Russia’s role in it was bad enough, just wait until you get a load of the Russian state’s propaganda assault for the next month. Robbie Williamsthe lead performer at the opening ceremony, has said it will be ‘an unforgettable show’, while gushing about how much he loves Russia.

The most obvious point of comparison of the World Cup being held in Putin’s Russia, is Nazi Germany’s 1936 Berlin Olympics.

The Third Reich had Richard Strauss, while Putin’s Russia has ‘a fat dancer from Take That’, or so went the infamous putdown of Williams by Oasis’ Liam Gallagher.

In this sense, one might be tempted to conjure Marx’s famous statement about historic events repeating first as tragedy and then as farce, but there is nothing farcical about the effectiveness of a propaganda coup like hosting the FIFA World Cup, regarding Russia’s fascistic global ambitions.

The silence surrounding Russia’s genocidal intervention in Syria was always a sign that Russian imperialism was winning

The silence surrounding Russia’s genocidal intervention in Syria was always a sign that Russian imperialism was winning, but Russia’s World Cup will lead to a new level of normalisation for its brutally sinister geopolitical agenda.

Imagine the outrage of particularly the global Left, if this was any country other than Russia.

Imagine if the US had held the World Cup during the Iraq war. There would be rightful outrage – campaigns and protests. In fact, think of the rightful indignation when it was announced that Eurovision would be held in Jerusalem, given Israel’s illegal occupation and annexation – or the logic of boycotting nations committing active human rights abuses in general.

Why is this not applied to Russia, which is one of the main participants in the first genocide of the 21st century and, domestically speaking an egregious violator of human rights?

Yes, there exists a host of international sanctions that literally have zero effect in terms of shifting Putin’s policy, but what about organic solidarity or opposition to Russia’s genocidal, revanchist imperialist machinations?

The tragic reality is that Russian fascism navigates itself essentially unhindered through an ocean of blood in Syria, while it casts its menacing shadow over European capitals with little to no popular resistance.

In the UK, the reaction to Russia’s chemical weapons attack in Salisbury, the first attack by a foreign country on English soil since the Blitz, targeting a Russian defector, was muted to say the least. Conspiracy theories pumped out by formal and informal Russian propagandists, including one tacitly endorsed by leader of the UK opposition, Jeremy Corbyn, has diluted and obscured the discourse.

FBL-SYRIA-PITCH-LANDSCAPE

Children play football in front of a damaged building in a rebel-held neighbourhood of Daraa, southern Syria, 7 May 2018 [AFP]

In fact, there exists, as has been covered extensively, a very deliberately cultivated distortion, woven through pro-Russia propaganda outlets, where Russia is cast as a victim of western aggression and a bastion of truth against western lies.   

Russian fascism navigates itself essentially unhindered through an ocean of blood in Syria

The news of Russian links to funding the Leave campaign are buried away in the minutes of select committees and articles that most people won’t read. Similarly, the Sunday Times finding that 6,000 Russian twitter accounts had been mysteriously mobilised to support Corbyn’s Labour at the last UK general election, has scarcely penetrated public consciousness.

Russia has, over the past few decades, not just begun to reassert itself after the humiliating collapse of the Soviet empire, but it is now actively attempting to shape world order in its own image. This is an order of authoritarianism and anti-egalitarianism, being sealed by the genocide in Syria.

It’s in the killing fields of Syria, the devastated urban landscapes of East Ghouta, Aleppo and Homs – annihilated by Russian missiles, artillery shells, white phosphorus munitions and cluster bombs – that Russia is hammering out its new world order.

And it is winning on multiple different fronts. Russia is successfully degrading the mode of ethics that allegedly conditions world order. It is seeking to turn the world into an abode of monsters, of authoritarian tyrants, of which it is something of a vanguard.

Moreover, Russia’s authoritarian order manages to unite left and right-wing forces in support of its endeavours. Though the comparison between Russia and the rise of European fascism of the 20th century is apt, in reality, there is much less resistance to Russia’s authoritarian drive than there was to historic fascism.  

The same social forces that opposed fascism in the 20th century seem likely to support the narratives of Russian imperialism, namely that it provides opposition to US imperialism and the western ‘neoliberal’ economic order. The Left see liberal democracy as ‘bourgeois democracy’ and thus see any chance of weakening it as a good thing, while Russia’s propaganda outlets provide them with numerous platforms.  

To the Right, Russia is a bastion of white Christian civilisation against ‘Islamification’ and liberalism; it serves to unravel the egalitarian gains and order of liberal democracy, long hated by the Right.  

This is not hyperbole. This is not ‘Russophobia’

Russia’s hosting of the World Cup can only be seen through this context.

In fact, to those of us who oppose authoritarianism, racism, imperialism, homophobia and, most urgently, genocide, it must be seen this way. The fact that this is by and large not the case, is symptomatic of the fact that fascism with a Russian face is triumphing, and there is no coherent resistance to its advance.

The US, its allegedly ‘natural’ counterbalance, is controlled by a president who is potentially in thrall to Putin, while he continues to help Russia’s anti-EU crusade by weakening his alleged European allies and forcing them to rely more on Putin’s Russia.

In addition to the political rise of pro-Russia forces, Europe itself has largely gone down the road of counterintuitive appeasement, terrified of escalation that is occurring regardless – the Salisbury attack was a result of Russia’s triumph. It knows that its enemies are capable of nothing, it has balked at their limp response by so-called democrats to its imperialist assault on Ukraine.

It has seen that the world is willing to accommodate and green light genocide rather than risk even a remote confrontation with it, despite its bluff having been successfully called in localised circumstances.  

There is unlikely to be any opposition from the compliant or terrified Russian populace. Internal dissent will be and has been crushed. We’ve already seen Mo Salah, a hero to millions, pose with Ramzan Kadyrov, the kleptocratic tyrannical head of the Chechen Republic, under whose watch brutal anti-gay purges have taken place. This is a glimpse of the process of normalisation.

If these basic progressive values can’t be defended, what chance do Syrians have?

This is a world cup filled with Syrian blood. Russia’s effective one-party state makes it impossible to separate this sporting carnival from Putin’s global panoply of PR designed to normalise all its actions, including the Syrian genocide.  

Where any criticism exists, from human rights groups and Russia’s victims, it will fall on deaf ears as the world is mesmerised by the tournament.  

As Russia continues to murder Syrian children, snuffing out the precious seeds of life and hope in a faraway land, as Russia continues to brazenly erode democracy, the world will have their games, and Putin will have his Olympia.

Gaza Massacre Marks 70 Years of Al-Nakba: We Demand Justice!

May 16, 2018

Ibraheem Abu Mustafa/Reuters

Originally published on Black Rose/Rosa Negra Anarchist Federation

By BRRN External Communications-International Relations Committee (EC-IRC)

 

Today, May 15, 2018, marks 70 years since the founding of Israel and the parallel al-Nakba al-Mustamera, or “ongoing catastrophe,” which this has meant for Palestine’s indigenous Arab population. The ethnic cleansing of between 750,000 and 800,000 Palestinians and the destruction of an estimated 600 Arab villages required for the birth of Israel in 1948 continues to this day, as the Israeli military employs snipers to shoot masses of unarmed Palestinian youth protesters in the open-air prison of Gaza who have joined the Great March of Return to protest against their dispossession and oppression. Just yesterday, as Ivanka Trump and Jared Kushner celebrated the Trump Regime’s transfer of the U.S. embassy to Jerusalem, an occupied city, the Israeli Army murdered fifty-nine Palestinians in Gaza, wounding 2,700 others. This brings the total casualties borne by Gazan Palestinians since the beginning of the Great March of Return on March 30 to 107 killed and 12,000 injured.

The list of names of martyred Palestinians shows that most of those killed yesterday were teenagers and young adults, with few even in their 30’s. As Al-Jazeera reports, “at least six are below 18, including one female. Of those wounded, at least 200 are below the age of 18; seventy-eight are women and 11 are journalists.” These statistics alone show the degree of dehumanization suffered by Gazan Palestinian youth due to Occupation and more than a decade of besiegement. They go out to participate in the Great March of Return en masse knowing well that the Israeli military will not hesitate to kill them for demanding their rights.

Across Occupied Palestine, a general strike has been declared for May 15, Nakba Day, both to commemorate and mourn those slain yesterday, and to lament and resist Israel’s accelerating settler-colonial project. Though the internationally accepted “two-state solution”—which has been made impossible by the vast Israeli settlements which colonize the West Bank and East Jerusalem—would leave Palestinians with less than a fourth of historical Palestine, even this demand is too great for the Israeli ultranationalists led by Benjamin Netanyahu’s Likud Party. Israel’s fascistic response to the protests in Gaza, which recalls Selma, Alabama, in 1965 and the Sharpeville (1960) and Soweto (1976) massacres in Apartheid South Africa, shows that the Jewish State, backed up by U.S. imperialism, has no intention of allowing the Palestinians even the most basic of concessions. This is the true meaning of Kushner’s announcement that protesters in Gaza are “part of the problem and not part of the solution.” The future faced by Palestinians at the hands of the U.S. and Israel amounts to worsening genocide and/or forcible transfer to Egypt, Jordan, or elsewhere in the region.

Dr. Abu Rayan Ziara, @Medo4Gaza

The Middle Eastern region’s ruling classes are also useless to the Palestinian cause. For decades, they have preached a hollow ethno-religious solidarity with Palestinian refugees, yet none have mobilized against Israel or the U.S. in a serious way; instead, they serve their own interests for profit and repressive stability. Saudi Arabia’s Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MBS), who recently agreed to a ten-year $350 billion arms deal with Trump, and who imports three-fifths of all his weapons from the U.S., infamously declared that Israel has “a right to its land” just days after its military carried out the Land Day Massacre of 17 Gazans on March 30, the first day of the Great March. Land Day, or Yom al-’Ard, is in turn a Palestinian holiday that observes a 1976 massacre by Israel of protesters mobilizing against State expropriation of their lands. Though bin Salman’s enthusiasm for imperialism, as reflected in his war on Yemen and his war-threats against Iran, can be considered extreme, it is hardly distinct from other regional Gulf autocracies that increasingly accommodate the Jewish State; the Jordanian Hashemite monarchy, which maintains friendly relations with Israel; General al-Sisi’s dictatorship in Egypt, which effectively coordinates with Israel in besieging Gaza from the Sinai Peninsula; the Lebanese State, which systematically discriminates against Palestinian refugees; and even and especially the falsely ‘anti-imperialist’ Assad Regime of Syria, which just weeks ago was massively bombarding the Yarmouk refugee camp for Palestinians outside of Damascus.

Though the Islamic Republic of Iran has financed and armed Palestinian resistance movements against Israel for some time, and Hezbollah has posed as a regional counterweight to the Jewish State, defeating it militarily during the 2006 “Summer War,” both have mobilized to crush the Palestinians’ brothers and sisters across the border of the Occupied Golan Heights since the outbreak of the Syrian Revolution in 2011 by intervening in favor of Assad. Indeed, among the few countries that attended the opening of the U.S. embassy in West Jerusalem yesterday, one finds representatives from several corrupt African states with which Israel has consciously developed military ties to mitigate its international isolation; neo-fascist and Islamophobic central European governments; U.S. client states in Latin America; and the Burmese dictatorship, which last year ethnically cleansed over half a million Rohingya Muslims.

For these reasons, the Palestinian people’s self-emancipation against the horrors of al-Nakba—an urgent, burning task—can only proceed through global support for mass-movements to dismantle and decolonize the imperial, settler-colonial states of the U.S. and Israel. Palestinians have the right to resist colonization by any means necessary, and it is not for us in the West to dictate how people facing genocide should or should not resist. While Israel, Raj Shah, and Bernie Sanders would like to hold Hamas responsible for the mass-murders carried out by the Jewish State, thus mimicking Putin and the Assad Regime’s long-standing tendency to blame the victims of each new bombardment and chemical attack for staging their own deaths, we see this upsurge of resistance as a manifestation of the collective will of occupied Gazans. From our vantage point in the U.S., we see Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) as an important tool to support the Palestinian struggle for decolonization. A two-way military embargo on the Jewish State would be an important first step toward justice in historical Palestine.

Finally, we would like to clarify that these murderous attacks by Israel against Palestinians in the Great March of Return and the protests against the embassy opening expose the hypocrisy of those who lecture Palestinians on being non-violent. They ask, “Where is the Palestinian Gandhi?”, when the reality is that the overwhelming majority of Palestinian resistance is nonviolent, and is still met with murderous repression. Palestinians are better than Gandhi, who was racist and misogynistic, in the sense that—being poor, brown, and mostly Muslim—they are despised by liberals internationally, yet they continue to resist without any of the kind of encouragement Gandhi was given by his moderate supporters across the globe, and against far worse odds. Even so, U.S. liberals continue to advocate arming and funding the settler-colonial State that murders Palestinians while hypocritically and condescendingly lecturing Palestinians about nonviolence. Liberals in the U.S. demand that Palestinians resist non-violently, but then won’t condemn Israel when it guns down peaceful, unarmed Palestinians. Mainstream liberal publications mention “clashes” and use the passive voice to report that Palestinians “have been killed,” or worse, that they just “died,” as though inexplicably, or through “natural causes.” In essence, what these colonial-Orientalist commentators are really saying is that Palestinians should passively let Israel exterminate them. We completely reject that gross illogic. Palestine must be free!

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Mohammed Abed/AFP/Getty Images

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Said Khatib/AFP/Getty Images

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Say No to Trump’s War Drive! Support Labor Activist & Feminist Political Prisoners in the Middle East

May 11, 2018

Coalition for Peace, Revolution, and Social Justice (CPRSJ)

Date: Sunday, 5/27/18, 3-5pm
Location: The Public School, 951 Chung King Rd, Los Angeles, CA 90012

In the face of the ongoing counter-revolutionary offensive in the Middle East, as reflected in the estimated 100,000-200,000 political prisoners in Syria and the 6,300 Palestinian political prisoners held in Israel, the Alliance of Middle Eastern Socialists, along with various socialist and labor activist organizations and individuals, have initiated a new campaign in solidarity with Middle Eastern political prisoners.

The aim of this campaign is four-fold:

1. To shine a spotlight on the political prisoners who are labor, social justice, feminist, anti-racist and human rights activists opposed to war, imperialism, occupation, authoritarianism, religious fundamentalism and extremism.

2. To oppose all the global and regional imperialist powers in the Middle East:  The U.S., Russia, China, Saudi Arabia, Israel, Turkey and Iran.
3. To demand that both state actors and non-state actors responsible for perpetrating war…

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Imperial Theatrics in Syria: Where Is Justice for Syrians?

April 15, 2018

Coalition for Peace, Revolution, and Social Justice (CPRSJ)

By Javier Sethness, for the Coalition for Peace, Revolution, and Social Justice

Douma Reuters Douma, Eastern Ghouta (File: Reuters)

On Friday evening, 13 April, U.S. President Donald Trump announced the commencement of joint U.S. missile and air strikes with France and the U.K. against the regime of Bashar al-Assad in response to the Syrian military’s alleged use of chemical weapons during the siege of Douma on April 7th. This chemical attack on Douma has reportedly taken the lives of more than forty people and, according to the Syrian-American Medical Society, at least five hundred others have presented with symptoms consistent with exposure to chemical weapons—likely chlorine and possibly also sarin. The Douma gas massacre, for which Assad is clearly responsible, represents the culmination of the regime’s long siege of the rebel-held Damascus suburb, a campaign which began in 2013, aimed at retaking control of the whole of Eastern Ghouta. During…

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Internationalists for Afrin and Ghouta

March 29, 2018

Coalition for Peace, Revolution, and Social Justice (CPRSJ)

by Javier Sethness

Ghouta Syrians evacuate from the town of Jisreen in the eastern Ghouta area on the outskirts of Damascus on Saturday. | AFP-JIJI

Response to Fredo Corvo, “Is the defense of Afrin proletarian internationalism?” (Libcom, 5 March 2018)

As a response to “Afrin Under Attack by Neo-Ottoman Erdogan: We Must Defend Afrin,” a statement published on the website of the Coalition for Peace, Revolution, and Social Justice on January 22, Fredo Corvo’s posing of the question, “Is the defense of Afrin proletarian internationalism?” (Libcom, 5 March), unfortunately presents several arguments based on straw-men. Though he ostensibly writes from a libertarian-communist perspective, he dedicates much effort to critiquing Marxist humanism, thus overlooking the fact that our Coalition represents a convergence of different revolutionary-left groupings and individuals. Plus, Corvo’s critique is only vaguely anti-capitalist, far from being concretely humanist or anti-imperialist. It is unclear whether Corvo’s critique can be…

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Review of Anarchist Encounters: Russia in Revolution and The Experiment: Georgia’s Forgotten Revolution, 1918-1921

March 14, 2018

A. W. Zurbrugg (ed)
Anarchist Encounters: Russia in Revolution
London, Anarres Editions, 2017. 259pp., £10.99 pb.
ISBN 9780850367348

Eric Lee
The Experiment: Georgia’s Forgotten Revolution, 1918-1921
London, Zed Books, 2017. 160pp., £12.99 pb.
ISBN 9781786990921

First published on Marx and Philosophy, 14 March 2018

Both of these intriguing new works take critical views of the Russian Revolution, whose centenary has just passed. Anarchist Encounters comprises an edited volume of eyewitness reports written by Spanish and Italian anarcho-syndicalists who visited Russia in the years 1920-1921 that also includes Emma Goldman’s critique of Bolshevik hegemony over the Revolution, based on the two years she spent living there. Eric Lee’s The Experiment examines the relatively unknown Georgian Democratic Republic, a three-year period of Menshevik, social-democratic governance in Russia’s southern neighbor and former colony that was crushed by the Red Army in 1921. According to Ethel Snowden, a Fabian who participated in a delegation including former members of the Second International who visited the Republic in 1920, Georgia under the Social Democrats represented the “most perfect Socialism in Europe.” As Lee explains, it is rather significant that these internationalists traveled to Georgia and not Russia.

True to their leader Karl Kautsky, who also visited Georgia in 1920 and had emphasized in The Dictatorship of the Proletariat (1918) that there can be “no Socialism without democracy,” the Georgian Mensheviks opposed the Bolshevik seizure of power in October 1917 together with the one-party State which soon followed, declaring independence in May 1918. The Mensheviks’ relationship with the regional proletariat and peasantry provides a less harrowing example than those seen in Russia during the Civil War years, 1918-1921. In parallel, based on their observations of the “tremendous defects of communist centralisation” (73), as writes Ángel Pestaña Núñez, a delegate from the Spanish Confederación Nacional de Trabajo (CNT), many of the syndicalists whose works appear in Anarchist Encounters actively discouraged their labor organizations from affiliating with the Communist International and its Red Trade Union International (RILU).

Vilkens, the pen-name of Manuel Fernández Álvarez, a Spanish journalist associated with the French Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT), observes in his report republished in Anarchist Encounters that, by the time of his visit to the Soviet Union in mid-1920, it was already a clearly defined class society, with “VIPs” receiving higher salaries than the rest of society. Vilkens identifies a sex-economy of sorts among young females who made themselves available to bureaucrats, commissars, and the emerging “Sov-bourg” in exchange for access to greater privilege. He defines the “living conditions of producers in Russia” as “not brilliant,” and identifies compulsory labor under the Bolsheviks’ increasingly bureaucratic-centralist regime to be the continuation of “feudal service” (19). In fact, Vilkens holds the Reds responsible for their shackling of the independent initiative of workers, as is reflected in the Communist Party Central Committee’s decision after October 1917 to favor Taylorism and one-man management over workers’ control via the soviets and factory committees that had (re)emerged during the Revolution. Pestaña, who visited Russia in summer 1920, too, expresses similar concerns about how the committees had degenerated from drivers of the Revolution to an institutionalized “workplace police” (79). Vilkens presents the strike at the Perovo locomotive factory in July 1920 that was met with a show of force by the military and the CheKa, or “Extraordinary Commission,” as a grim “example […] of how the so-called dictatorship of the proletariat imposes suffering on the real proletariat” (34).

Regarding authoritarianism, Vilkens discusses several examples of the Bolsheviks dismissing and invalidating elections of non-Bolshevik delegates to the soviets and laments that the option to recall authorities is effectively absent. As such, he concludes that the soviets have been subordinated to the Red State, such that “a government of bourgeois intellectuals and nobles is imposed on the people: Rakovsky, Manonilsky, Petrovsky, Lenin, Trotsky […]” (50). Indeed, the Bolshevik regime’s continuity with capitalism, according to Vilkens, is starkly illustrated by its delay in the people’s emancipation, seen most clearly in the CheKa dictatorship, which for Goldman represents not just a State within a State but a State over a State. An especially moving episode illustrating such oppression is mentioned by the volume’s editor Zurbrugg: the case of the syndicalist Lepetit, his fellow CGT comrade Vergeat, and Lefevre, French delegates to the summer 1920 Comintern congress, who were denied exit and sent to their deaths in the northern port city of Murmansk once the Red authorities had discovered the delegates’ critical take on the Revolution’s clear betrayal through their refusal to surrender documents.[1]

Furthermore, Armando Borghi, a delegate from the Italian Syndicalist Union (USI) at the July 1920 RILU congress, reports a conversation with Victor Serge which belies the former anarchist’s public support for the Bolsheviks: “In the factories, the disciplinary system is ruthless. Trotsky is a perfect tyrant. There is neither communism here, nor socialism, nor anti-communism, but Prussian military discipline” (84).

In his “Nine Points” on the Revolution (1921), Vilkens clarifies that this event cannot be reduced to the Bolshevik Party, which represents a class above the workers and antagonistic to them; that the “true revolutionaries”—“principally the anarchists”—are persecuted, incarcerated, and murdered without due process; and that consequently, self-management of the workers and peasants, the very meaning of the Revolution, is missing. Vilkens here concedes that the imperialist blockade of Russia represents a “monstrous crime,” in parallel to Pestaña, Goldman, and Peter Kropotkin, all of whom went further than Vilkens in refraining from criticizing the Bolsheviks as long as the imperialist onslaught raged. Yet afterward, Goldman would denounce the Reds for imposing the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, which stipulated peace with Germany; commencing the razvyorstka, or grain-requisition regime, which greatly contributed to the famine of 1921-1922; disarticulating the cooperatives; and effectively instrumentalizing the soviets.

Gaston Leval, a CNT delegate to the RILU’s summer 1921 congress in Moscow, observes explicit class divisions in the new education system after visiting a special school in Bolchavo dedicated to the upbringing of the next generation of State administrators and reports meeting Goldman and Alexander Berkman, describing them as highly disconcerted by the recent suppression of the Kronstadt uprising and the ever-burgeoning powers of the police-bureaucracy. In her analysis, Goldman relates her own impression after visiting an official school that this was a mere Potëmkin village concealing widespread hunger and misery.[2] Leval further discusses the Left-Social Revolutionary leader Maria Spiridovna, a former political prisoner from the Tsarist period whom the Bolsheviks imprisoned intermittently from 1919-1921, and Alexandra Kollontai and Alexander Shlyapnikov, leaders of the Workers’ Opposition within the Communist Party, who outlined a more democratic political structure whereby the State would serve trade unions. The Workers’ Opposition met with Lenin and Trotsky’s reprobation—including, per Leval, a specifically sexist attitude by Trotsky toward Kollontai—and as such was silenced at the Tenth Party Congress of March 1921. In 1936, shortly before the beginning of the mass-purges, Kollontai would observe retrospectively that “[Stalin’s] dictatorship brought with it rivers of blood, but blood was already flowing under Lenin, and doubtless much of it was innocent blood” (11).

Now, in The Experiment, Lee describes the development of the Georgian Menshevik movement in Georgia. In his youth, Noe Zhordania, a central figure within Georgian Menshevism, had identified with Russian Populism, but became a Marxist after encountering Kautsky’s writings. During the 1903 split of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party, most Georgian followers of Zhordania sided with the Mensheviks, reflecting their commitment to a mass-party strategy, while a small minority, including Stalin and Sergo Ordzhonikidze, joined the vanguardist Bolsheviks. As orthodox-Marxists, the Georgian Mensheviks were committed to a stages theory of history, and so believed that the agrarian and ‘backward’ Georgia required capitalism and bourgeois democracy before progressing to communism. Yet the emergence of the self-governing and anti-Tsarist Gurian Republic among the peasantry in western Georgia from 1902-1906 led Zhordania and other Mensheviks to reinterpret peasants as rural workers, publicly support the uprising, and open party membership to the peasantry.

In Guria, directly democratic village meetings and peasant courts expropriated and redistributed State-owned and private lands, making political demands including calls for a constituent assembly, abolition of the standing army, and freedom of speech and assembly. Interfacing with the Mensheviks, Gurian peasants formed Red Detachments for self-defense, and their efforts, which Lee compares to those of the Paris Commune, met with the support of Tolstoy, who declared that “[w]hat should be done is exactly what the Gurians are doing, viz., to organize life in such a manner that there should be no need for authority” (29). In parallel to the Commune, the first Gurian Republic was suppressed by the Tsar’s overwhelming forces in 1906.

In 1917, according to Lee, Georgian soviets and the State accorded in favoring Menshevik rule, such that there was no dual-power situation in the country, as in Russia: the soviets remained intact and the workers were not disarmed. The Social Democrats rejected Red October and refused to recognize the new regime as legitimate. In April 1918, Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan declared independence as the Democratic Republic of Transcaucasia, but its precipitous collapse a month later led the Social Democrats to make an agreement with Germany that permitted the latter’s exploitation of Georgia in exchange for defense against Russia and Turkey. At the end of World War I, the Germans were replaced by the British, who in turn supported the White Armies against which Mensheviks and Bolsheviks alike struggled. In December 1918, the Georgian Mensheviks and Armenian Dashnaks engaged in a brief war over disputed territories that was inflamed by chauvinism on both sides.

In Georgia, the liberation of the land came together with anti-imperial struggle, given the concentration of territory held by occupying Russian state. In December 1917, the Mensheviks passed land reforms confiscating the properties of large landowners without compensation and abolishing the sale and purchase of land, though this market was subsequently reintroduced following the People’s Guard’s suppression of agrarian revolts among the Ossetian minority. Lee here shares Teodor Shanin’s critique of the agrarian reform: that it demobilized the Georgian peasantry. While this dynamic limited what was possible, Menshevik Georgia at least avoided war between the city and countryside, as seen in its northern neighbor during War Communism, and numerous strikes broke out under the Georgian Democratic Republic, reflecting workers’ constitutionally recognized right to strike. The Mensheviks proclaimed several other labor rights and supported the expansion of cooperatives but stopped short of nationalizing industry, mirroring their self-conception as intellectuals building capitalism as the basis for the socialism to come. Even so, the relationship between labor and the Menshevik State provides an alternative to the militarization thesis advanced by Trotsky at the Third All-Russian Congress of Trade Unions (1920)—a proposal that would have to wait until Stalin for its full application.

Ultimately, chauvinistic Menshevik policy toward ethnic minorities such as the Abkhazians and Ossetians precipitated the collapse of the experiment. Whereas the Bolsheviks lacked support in Georgia outside the peasantry and working class due to Menshevik policy, Stalin and Ordzhonikidze exploited grievances held by national minorities against the Social Democrats. In November 1919, the Reds attempted an unsuccessful coup, and in February 1921, they ordered the Red Army to invade following a putatively staged revolt in the border region with Armenia. Thus was Georgia forcibly reincorporated into the Russia Empire, now the Soviet Union. Yet in 1924, a courageous uprising against the occupation broke out, leading Zinoviev to liken it to the Kronstadt and Tambov rebellions in terms of significance, yet this too was crushed.

Thus, these two volumes, anarchist and social-democratic in orientation, provide critically important perspectives for understanding the myriad failures of the Russian Revolution. Both perspectives rightly repudiate the goal of establishing State capitalism through dictatorship. While The Experiment self-evidently lays bare many of the Georgian Mensheviks’ problems—reformism, chauvinism, and a disposition to terror—the viewpoints of the contributors to Anarchist Encounters may in turn be utilized to reveal the affinities between Menshevism and Bolshevism as statist and effectively bourgeois.

[1] Voline, The Unknown Revolution (Montréal: 1975), 321-3.
[2] “Potëmkin villages” refer to the Russian militarist Grigory Potëmkin’s practice of staging fake villages for Empress Catherine II’s review during a 1787 visit to Crimea.